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NOTES OF COLONEL W. G. 

MOORE, PRIVATE SECRETARY 

TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON, 

1866-1868 



Contributed by 
ST. GEORGE L. SIOUSSAT 



REPRINTED FROM THE 



lawman portal §tvuw 

VOL. XIX., NO. 1 OCTOBER, 1913 



[Reprinted from Thk Amkkican HISTORICAL REVIKW, Vol. XIX., No. I, Oct., 1913.] 



DOCUMENTS 

Notes of Colonel W . G. Moore, Private Secretary to President 

Johnson, 1866-1868 

[The introduction to these notes is contributed by Professor St. George L. 
Sioussat of Vanderbilt University, to whom we are also indebted for procuring 
the text. The annotations have been supplied by the managing editor, with some 
aid from Professor Sioussat. A reference to Colonel Moore's intimate knowl- 
edge of President Johnson's affairs, especially at the time of the impeachment 
trial, and apparently also a reference to this private record, may be seen in 
S. S. Cox's Three Decades of Federal Legislation, p. 591.] 

William George Moore, the compiler of these " Notes ", was 
born November 30, 1829, and died July 22, 1898. He served as a 
private, corporal, and sergeant in the National Rifles, District of 
Columbia Volunteers, April 15 to July 15, 1861. From May 1, 
1865, to November 5, 1866, he was assistant adjutant-general of 
volunteers, with the rank of major. November 14, 1866, he was 
appointed paymaster with the rank of major, but his testimony at 
the impeachment trial showed that his real function was that of 
private secretary to the President. December 2, 1865, he was com- 
missioned brevet lieutenant-colonel and colonel of volunteers, and 
March 2, 1867, lieutenant-colonel in the U. S. Army, for faithful 
and meritorious service. He resigned April 12, 1870. In Decem- 
ber, 1886, he was appointed major and superintendent of police of 
the District of Columbia and he retained this office until the time 
of his death. 

In the impeachment proceedings he was summoned by the 
prosecution to testify as to his correction of a report of one of the 
President's speeches ; and by the defense to give evidence in the 
matter of the delivery of Thomas Ewing's nomination as Secretary 
of War. 

Colonel Moore enjoyed the entire confidence of President John- 
son. According to his own testimony, his service as secretary began 
in November, 1865. An expert stenographer, he made use of the 
opportunities which his position afforded him to take down, in short- 
hand, remarks and conversations which seemed of interest and 
importance. The " Notes " which follow were transcribed by him, 
apparently during the impeachment proceedings, in his own (long) 
hand. The volume in which they are contained — a bound diary or 
journal book of 1868 — is among the papers of President Johnson 

(98) 



99 Documents 

which remain in the possession of Hon. A. J. Patterson, of Green- 
ville, Tennessee, a grandson of President Johnson, who has kindly 
consented to their publication. 

- 

It may be added that most of the originals of the letters, scrap- 
books, etc., to which reference is made in the " Notes ", are now 
among the Johnson Manuscripts in the Library of Congress. 

St. George L. Sioussat. 

Mav „ ,0^ f Secy Stanton, 
May 7, 1867. J and Jeff _ Dayis 

At Cabinet meeting today Secretary Stanton submitted, with an 
endorsement " Respy referred to the President for his instructions ", a 
letter addressed to the War Dept. by L. H. Chandler, U. S. Dist. Atty. 
for Va., dated Norfolk, May 4, 1867, requesting " an order upon the 
Commandant at Fortress Monroe, directing him to surrender Jefferson 
Davis to the U. S. Marshal or his deputies, upon any process which may 
issue from the Federal Court." The President asked, " Well, Mr. Sec- 
retary, what recommendation have you to make in this case ? " 'The 
Secretary : " I have no recommendation to make." The President there- 
upon directed that the application should be " returned to the Honble the 
Secretary of War, who will at once issue the order requested by District 
Attorney Chandler." 1 

The President narrated the above incident as illustrative of the man- 
ner in which the Secretary avoided responsibility. 

r\ *. 1, oca \ Mexican Mission 

October, i860. •< , „ . „ 

( and Genl. Grant. 

The Cabinet had for some time had under consideration the question 
of the occupation of Mexico by the military forces of the French. It 
was finally determined that definite instructions should be given to Lewis 
D. Campbell, 2 who had been some time before appointed Minister to 
Mexico, but had been prevented from proceeding to that country by its 
disturbed condition. Upon the President's own suggestion, it was de- 
cided that, in order that prestige might be given to his mission, he should 
proceed in a war vessel and be accompanied by General Grant. This 
arrangement, however, was defeated by the General, who, although he 
had been consulted upon the subject by the President, and when he 
had urged that he desired to be in Washington upon the assembling of 
Congress, 3 had been told that he could easily do so, (the moral influence 
of his presence with our Minister and his advice being all that was de- 
sired,) declined to receive instructions from the Secretary of State at 
the hands of Mr. Campbell, alleging that being in the military service of 
the U. S., he was not subject to orders from the State Dept. The letter 
of Secretary Sewatd, however, expressly stated, "By direction of the 
President, I request you to proceed to Mexico, or its vicinity, to act in 
concert there with and as an adviser of Lewis D. Campbell, Esqr. Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary of the U. S. to the Republic of Mexico." Mr. 
Seward's letter bore date Oct. 20, 1866. 

1 The order, dated May 8, and in the words above, is printed in Mrs. Davis's 
Jefferson Davis, II. 790. Mrs. Davis relates how Stanton's consent was secured, 
through John W. Garrett. 

2 Representative from Ohio 1849-1858, 1S71-1873, minister to Mexico 1866- 
1868. 

8 7. e., at the beginning of December, 1866. 



Gin 

Auttor 
<UR 18 1914 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore ioo 

To meet this objection of Genl. Grant, on the 25th. of Oct. 1866, the 
President prepared a letter to the Secretary of War, (Mr. Stanton,) in 
these terms : " You will please instruct Genl. Ulysses S. Grant, com- 
manding the armies of the U. S., to proceed to Mexico or its vicinity, 
there to act in concert with and as an adviser of L. D. Campbell, Esq." 
etc. This letter, however, was submitted to the Cabinet on the day 
next succeeding its date, when, after full consideration, it was decided, 
as the opinion of the Heads of Depts., that as the duty asked of Genl. 
Grant was of a civil character, and might, if questioned, give rise to 
doubts as to the authority of the Government to send him on such a 
mission, the communication for the Sec. of War was modified so as to 
state the object of the embassy and "to ask that you will request Genl. 
Grant to proceed to some point on our Mexican frontier most suitable 
and convenient for communication with our Minister, or (if Genl. Grant 
deems it best) to accompany him to his destination in Mexico, and to 
give him the aid of his advice in carrying out the instructions of the 
Sec. of State," etc. 

The above quoted letter was dated the 26th Oct. 1866, and was sent to 
the War Dept. the succeeding day. In the afternoon of the same day 
the Sec. of War enclosed the reply of Genl. Grant, as follows: 

" The same request was made of me one week ago today, verbally, to 
which I returned a written reply, a copy of which is herewith enclosed. 
On the 23d instant the same request was renewed in Cabinet meeting, 
where I was invited to be present, when I again declined, respectfully as 
I could, the mission tendered to me, with reasons. I now again beg 
most respectfully to decline the proposed mission, for the following 
additional reasons to wit : Now, whilst the army is being reorganized and 
troops distributed as fast as organized, my duties require me to keep 
within telegraphic communication of all the department commanders and 
of this city, from which orders must emanate.* Almost the entire fron- 
tier between the U. S. and Mexico is embraced in the depts. commanded 
by Genls. Sheridan and Hancock, the command of the latter being em- 
braced in the military division under Lieut. Genl. Sherman — three officers 
in whom the entire country has unbounded confidence. Either of these 
general officers can be instructed to accompany the American Minister to 
the Mexican boundary, or the one can through whose command the Min- 
ister may propose to pass in reaching his destination. If it is desirable 
that our Minister should communicate with me, he can do so through the 
officer who may accompany him, with but very little delay beyond what 
would be experienced if I were to accompany him myself. I might add 
that I would not dare counsel the Minister in any matter beyond the 
stationing of troops on U. S. soil, without the concurrence of the Ad- 
ministration. That concurrence could be more speedily had with me here 
than if I were upon the frontier. The stationing of troops would be as 
fully within the control of the commanding officer as it would of mine. 

" I sincerely hope I may be excused from undertaking a duty so for- 
eign to my office and tastes as that contemplated." 

The President expressed some surprise at this result. He said that 
when on Wednesday, Oct. 17, 1866, he sent for Genl. Grant and men- 
tioned the subject to him, he thought the General evinced satisfaction, 
if not pleasure at the proposed arrangement. Immediately after the 
* It was not until March 2, 1S67, that Army Hd : Qrs. were, by law, fixed at 
Washington. — May not the above correspondence have suggested Sec. 2 of the 
Act of that date? (Note in the original.) 



ioi Documents 

interview, the President visited the State Dept. and informed the Secre- 
tary of the result. The next morning, according to appointment, Genl. 
Grant called at the Executive Mansion, and Col. Moore 4 was dispatched 
to the State Dept. to notify Mr. Seward that the General would either 
await him at the President's, or call on the Secretary at any hour he 
might designate. The Secretary requested Col. Moore to say to the 
President and Genl. Grant that the instructions had just been completed, 
and that he would at once bring them to the President. (The State 
Dept. at that time occupied the locality now covered by the north wing 
of the Treasury Building.) 5 The Secretary accordingly made his ap- 
pearance, and the instructions prepared for Mr. Campbell were read to 
Genl. Grant, to ascertain whether or not he had any suggestions to make. 
He said he had none to submit. On the succeeding Sunday Genl. Grant 
addressed a letter to the President, dated Oct. 21, 1866, stating: 

"On further and full reflection upon the subject of my accepting 
the mission proposed by you in our interview of Wednesday, and again 
yesterday, I have most respectfully to beg to be excused from the duty 
proposed. It is a diplomatic service for which I am not fitted, either 
by education or taste. It has necessarily to be conducted under the State 
Dept., with which my duties do not connect me. Again, then, I most 
urgently, but respectfully repeat my request to be excused from the 
performance of a duty entirely out of my sphere, and one too which can 
be so much better performed by others." 

It was subsequently to the transmission of the above letter to the 
President that Genl. Grant declined to receive from Mr. Campbell the 
instructions of the Secretary of State. 

For all the official communications upon this subject, see the package 
of papers, marked " Genl. Grant and Mexico." 6 

Reasons other than those stated by Genl. Grant were by some as- 
sumed to have influenced his action in the matter of the mission to 
Mexico, and prominent among them was supposed jealousy of Sherman. 
Just about this time the papers had published a rumor that Mr. Stanton 
would resign and be sent as Ambassador to Spain, and that he would be 
succeeded in the War Dept. by Genl. Sherman, who in Febry. 1866 had 
addressed a letter to the President, strongly endorsing his policy of 
reconstruction. The fact that such a letter had been written by him to 
the Presidt. had but recently become known, and but a short time had 
intervened since Mr. Johnson had read the communication to Genl. 
Grant, at its conclusion remarking that he thought of publishing it — a 
suggestion which the President said the General did not appear to 
relish. 7 It was therefore concluded by some that Genl. Grant was 
afraid that should he leave the country, Sherman would first be exalted 

4 The writer of these notes, private secretary to the President. 

5 From 1820 to October, 1866, the Department of State was located on the 
site now covered by the north part of the Treasury. In October, 1866, it leased 
the premises of the Washington Orphan Asylum, on Fourteenth Street near S 
Street, where it remained until 1875. The phrase shows that this portion of 
Colonel Moore's notes was not put into its present shape until the site had been 
"covered by the north wing of the Treasury Building"; the foundations of that 
wing were laid in April, 1867, and the construction was completed in 1869. 

6 See Welles's Diary, II. 621. As to the packages or bundles to which the 
diarist refers, and which are mostly now' in the Library of Congress, see Professor 
Sioussat's introduction, ad fin. 

i Ibid., p. 607; Sherman Letters (ed. Thorndike, New York, 1894), p. 279. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 102 

to his own position as the head of the Army, and thence transferred 
to the office of Secy of War, and thus become his (Grant's) superior 
in office. 

Oct. 26, 1866, Lieut. Genl. Sherman called upon the Presidt. After 
the positive declination or refusal of Genl. Grant to go to Mexico, the 
President sent for Genl. Sherman, and found that he was entirely willing 
to undertake the duty. 8 The Presidt. asked him when he would be ready 
to go, — " At once " was the prompt and soldierlike response. — A letter 
was on the 30th Oct. sent to the Sec. of War, saying that " Genl. Ulysses 
S. Grant having found it inconvenient to assume the duties specified in 
my letter of the 26th. instant, you will please relieve him from the same, 
and assign them in all respects to Wm. T. Sherman, Lieut. Genl. of the 
Army of the U. S." (see the papers marked " Genl. Grant and Mexico.") 

Grade of General. — July 1866. 

The President hesitated some time before he signed the bill " to 
revive the grade of General in the United States Army," which he 
approved July 25, 1866. He considered the law inexpedient and un- 
necessary, saying that Washington had never been tendered a higher 
compliment than the rank of Lieut. Genl., already possessed by Grant; 
that the war had en ti rely ceased, the army been largely reduced, and 
that an additional grade could not give more effect to Grant's services 
than had already been done by conferring upon him the rank he now 
enjoyed. Secy Stanton had also suggested that the bill should be 
materially [maturely?] considered prior to approval, as it partook of the 
nature of giving a title or a distinction, etc. He, however, finally recom- 
mended that the President should attach to it his signature. 

While the bill was in the hands of the President, he told me that 
General Grant called at the Executive Mansion, and requested that 
when his name should be sent to the Senate for Genl., Sherman's should 
accompany it for Lieut. General. He thus took it for granted that he 
would undoubtedly receive the promotion, although the law expressly 
empowered the President to make the selection " from among those 
officers in the military service of the U. S. most distinguished for 
courage, skill, and ability, who, being commissioned as Genl., may be 
authorized, under the direction and during the pleasure of the President, 
to command the Armies of the U. States." 

New Orleans Riot — July, 1866. 
The President believed that the riot which occurred in the City of 
New Orleans, July 30, 1866, would have been averted if an answer had 
been sent to Genl. Baird's telegram of the 28th. asking the Secretary of 
War for instructions. This. despatch was not seen by the President until 
some time after the riot, when at his suggestion all the papers on the sub- 
ject in possession of the War Dept. were prepared for publication and 
sent to the Executive Mansion. In examining the correspondence the 
President for the first time saw Genl. Baird's despatch: — (See Secretary 
Stanton's and Col. Moore's testimony before the Congressional Com- 
mittee on the New Orleans riots, contained in printed volume.) 

s Sherman Letters, pp. 280-283. 

^ House Report No. 16, 39 Cong., 2 sess., pp. 534-536, 546-547- General 
Absalom Baird was in temporary command at New Orleans in the absence of 
Sheridan, the general commanding the district. Baird's telegram may be seen in 
Trial of President Johnson, I. 152, or in Gorham's Stanton, II. 316; Stanton's 
explanation, ibid., pp. 324—325. 



103 Documents 

Maryland Troubles— Oct. and Nov. 1866. 10 
The package of papers marked " Maryland and the District of Colum- 
bia " shows the anxiety and determination of the President to preserve 
peace in Baltimore when serious disorders were threatened just prior 
to the Nov. election. Genl. Grant was opposed to the interference of 
the military, his position being explained by his letter to the President 
dated Oct. 24, 1866, which concludes as follows: " It is a contingency I 
hope never to see arise in this country whilst I occupy the position of 
General-in-Chief of the Army, to have to send troops into a State in 
full relations with the Genl. Government, on the eve of an election, to 
preserve the peace. If insurrection does come, the law provides the 
method of calling out forces to suppress it. No such condition seems 
to exist now." 

After some correspondence between the President, the War Dept. 
and Army Hd. Qrs., the President on the 1st of November 1866, Re- 
quested the Sec. of War to take all measures necessary to ensure the 
safety of the seat of government, and on the next day addressed an- 
other communication to that officer, desiring that the attention of Genl. 
Grant should be called to the state of affairs in Baltimore, in order that 
measures of preparation and precaution mig*ht be adopted. 

Gov. Swann 11 was much in consultation with the President in refer- 
ence to the threatened troubles in Baltimore, urging that a knowledge 
of the fact that the Government was prepared to suppress disorder would 
prevent any serious riot. 

Recruits embarked at New York for Texas were ordered to stop en 
route at Fort McHenry, there to remain until all apprehensions of diffi- 
culty had passed away. 

Tennessee Troubles — July, 1867. 

The following telegram of Genl. Grant was deemed in striking con- 
trast with his views in reference to Federal interference for the preser- 
vation of peace in Maryland: 

" Long Branch, N. J. 

" July 23, 1867. 
" To the 

Hon: E. M. Stanton, 
Secretary of War. 

" Genl. Dent, with despatches from Genl. Thomas, 12 arrived before 
your telegram. I directed Genl. Thomas to give orders for the most 
vigorous use of the military to preserve order on election day, and not 
to wait until people are killed and the mob beyond control before inter- 
fering. I will direct Genl. Thomas to go directly to Memphis in person, 
but do not think there is any need of my going to Nashville."' 

U. S. Grant, 

General." 

Tennessee had been by act of Congress, approved July 24, 1866, re- 
stored to her relations to the Union, and occupied precisely the same 
position to the Govt, as Maryland, when Genl. Grant declared his abhor- 
rence to sending " troops into a State in full relations with the Genl. 
Government, on the eve of an election, to preserve the peace." 

10 The events can be followed in Mr. Knott's account in Nelson's Baltimore, 
PP- 558-562. 

11 Thomas Swann, governor of Maryland 1865-1869. 

12 Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 104 

July 25, 1867. 
When the President read me the despatch of Genl. Grant to Mr. 
Stanton, I at once inquired if the first-named had given any instructions 
upon the subject. He said none whatever, but that on the preceding 
Cabinet day (Tuesday, July 23d) the subject of the Tennessee troubles 
had been mentioned, when the Secretary (Mr. Stanton) proposed to use 
the military for the preservation of order. "This" (said the Presi- 
dent) " was the very thing I desired, but I said nothing, and could scarce 
keep from smiling at the readiness with which the Secretary proposed to 
do in Tennessee what he and Grant earnestly opposed doing under sim- 
ilar circumstances in Maryland ". 13 

T oc \ Dis. of Col. 

January 4. 1867. j Sufffage m 

The President had read to the Cabinet to-day his message return- 
ing to Congress, with his objections, the District of Columbia suffrage 
bill. All approved it, but Secry Stanton, who suggested that negro suf- 
frage had to be tried, and that the experiment might as well begin in 
the District as any where else. 14 

" North Carolina " 
Plan of Reconstruction. 

January jo, i86j. — Gov. Orr, of S. C, Gov. Marvin, of Florida, Gov. 
Parsons, of Ala., Messrs. Haines and Boyden, of N. C. 15 had a pro- 
tracted consultation this afternoon, with the President, as to a proposi- 
tion to amend the Constitution which should be submitted to Congress as 
the Southern plan of reconstruction. It was proposed that North Caro- 
lina should take the initiative by the adoption of a proposition first to 
amend her own Constitution, and then that of the United States. The 
draft of the proposed amendments was in the handwriting of Mr. Lewis 
C. Haines, and after some discussion it was modified in several partic- 
ulars upon the suggestion of the President. 

January 31, 186 '7. — The above-named subject was again considered, 
the same persons being present, except Gov. Marvin. The President sug- 
gested the omission from the plan of the request that an assurance should 
be given the State that upon the adoption of the proposed amendment to 
the Constitution, Representatives and Senators should be admitted to 
Congress, and, further, that it should be simply a proposition to amend 
the Constitution of the State and to submit to the several States am 
amendment to the Federal Constitution, similar in very many of its pro- 
visions to that proposed by the 39th. Congress. The President sent me 
in the evening to call on Messrs. Orr, Haines, and Boyden at the Ebbitt 
House, with the suggestion that the proposition should contain, first, the 
amendment to the Federal Constitution, and next the suggestions in 
reference to the Constitution of the State. 

In the discussion upon these propositions, it seemed to be the opin- 
ion that if they should be sustained by all the Southern States and pre- 
sented with the influence of a united front, they would operate as a 

13 See Welles, III. 140-141. 

14 The discussion is reported by Welles, III. 3—6. 

15 James L. Orr, governor of South Carolina 1S65-186S; William Marvin, 
provisional governor of Florida in 1865 ; Lewis E. Parsons, provisional governor 
of Alabama in 1865 ; Lewis Hanes, elected to Congress in 1866 but not seated, 
and in 1867 agent of North Carolina in Washington; Nathaniel Boyden, represen- 
tative from North Carolina 1868— 1869. 



105 Documents 

flank movement against and defeat the Radical programme, which, as was 
then supposed, it had already been demonstrated could not be adopted 
by a vote of the States. Govr. Orr told Colo. Moore in the evening that 
he had been informed by Representative Bingham, of Ohio, that the 
article for the exclusion of certain persons from office, embraced in the 
constitutional amendment proposed by Congress, was the work of Thad. 
Stevens; that it had been defeated in a full committee, but in the ab- 
sence of Fessenden and Washburne, of Illinois, on account of sickness, 
Stevens had succeeded in obtaining a reconsideration of the vote, and the 
adoption of the article as a part of the plan. (See the papers marked 
" Reconstruction-Proposition to amend the Federal Constitution and the 
Constitution of North Carolina.") 

February 9, 1867. 
The President visited Mr. George Peabody this morning, at Wil- 
lard's Hotel, as a mark of respect to one who had made such liberal 
provision for the cause of education in the South. 10 

February 14, 1867. 
The President is evidently deeply impressed with the necessity of 
some effort to prevent the extreme measures proposed by the majority 
in Congress. Mr. Banks, of Mass. 17 visited him this morning. Before 
being admitted to the President's office, Mr. Banks said to me that in his 
view there should be some one in the Cabinet who could be approached 
by those who were in opposition to the President, and who could thus 
became a channel of communication between the Executive and Congress. 
He suggested Horace Greeley as Postmaster General, in place of Mr. 
Randall, 1S and his great anxiety in reference to reconstruction seemed to 
be lest, by admitting representatives from the " Rebel States," the dis- 
loyal element might again preponderate in those States, and perhaps in 
Congress. He gave the South credit for having men of great ability, 
who would be able to exercise much influence in the legislative councils 
of the nation. 

At lunch I mentioned the subject to the President. He said it would 
not take him long to send for Mr. Greeley and that he could not per- 
ceive that any member of his Cabinet gave him any strength with the 
country. He (the President) believed that by appointing Grant as Sec. 
of War, Farragut as Sec. of the Navy, Chas. F. Adams as Sec. of 
State, and Greeley as Postmaster General, he could settle the question 
in two hours. Pie said, however, that such a course would occasion 
harsh feelings on the part of some of the Cabinet officers who would 
thus be relieved, and to some of whom he. was much attached. I asked 
him if there was no way in which he could carry out such plans? He 
replied that he did not know that there was; and as the subject was 
evidently painful to him, I let the matter drop. 

March 2, 1867. 
The veto of the military reconstruction bill 19 was approved by all the 
members of the Cabinet, except Mr. Stanton. 

10 The Peabody Fund had been established in the preceding year. 

17 Nathaniel P. Banks. 

LS Alexander W. Randall of Wisconsin. 

"Richardson, Messages of the Presidents, VI. 498-511. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 1 06 

March 4, I 86 7 { M ! litar >' 1 a PP ro - 
T , D ., ( pnation bill. 

1 he -President and Cabinet went to the Capitol this morning to be 
present at the adjournment. The President took with him, unsigned the 
military appropriation bill, the. second section of which requires that all 
military orders from the President and Sec. of War shall pass through 
Cenl. Grant. President Johnson had determined that he would not 
approve a bill containing such an objectionable feature. Each member 
of the Cabinet, however, was asked his opinion upon the subject and 
it was concluded (at the Capitol) that the President should approve the 
bill, under protest, which was done. When the President asked the 
Secretary of War if he was in favor of a protest, the reply was "1 
make no objection to it." " But ", said the President, " I wish to know 
whether you approve of a protest?" the secretary: "I approve your 
taking whatever course you may think best." 

May 2d, 1867. i P urchas e of 
T ,/-i ., ( Russian America. 

Ihe President expressed the belief today that had it not been for 
the War Dept. all of our troubles would long since have been healed 
He said he was convinced that that Dept. had thrown every obstacle in 
the way of the consummation of his plans for restoration. In this con- 
nection he alluded to the course of Secretary Stanton on the Russian- 
American treaty, remarking that when the question first came before the 
Cabinet he (the President) had merely listened to the discussion, without 
taking part pro or con, and that, so far as he could judge it was deter- 
mined unanimously that the acquisition was a desirable one Mr 
Stanton sustained the treaty in Cabinet, and thought it ought to be con- 
summated. Subsequently, in a conversation with the Sec of War the 
President alluded to the evident gratification of Mr. Seward upon the 
ratification of the treaty. << Yes ", said Mr. Stanton, with a significant 
look, you don t know the half of it," and then proceeded to criticize 
the acquisition, declaring that it was a country of ice and rock- that 
$7,000,000 in gold were equal to $10,000,000 in currency, the yearly in- 
terest upon which was $600,000 ; that a territorial government with the 
necessary military force, would create an annual expenditure of more 
than a million; and that during war it were better that it should be in 
the hands of a friendly Power than in our possession, as we must take 
means for its defence. The President told me he was surprised at the 
Secretary s remarks, and had concluded that because it had added to 
Mr. Seward's popularity before the country, Mr. Stanton was somewhat 
envious, and now wished to depreciate the value of Alaska as an acquisi- 
tion. The President seemed inclined to believe that Mr. Stanton had 
originally favored the treaty because he believed that it would eventu- 
ally become unpopular and bring odium upon Mr. Seward when Mr 
Stanton would feel himself at liberty to denounce the purchase and 
decry its wisdom. 

In the latter days of April, 1867, the music stand was erected in the 
President s grounds for the summer. When the workmen were raising 
the flag-pole, the President remarked that he was present when the 
stars and stripes were first raised in the grounds by Presidt. Lincoln- 
that as Mr. Lincoln hoisted the colors, thev somehow or other became 
entangled, and split; that although he (Mr." Johnson) was not supersti- 
tious the incident at the time made an impression on his mind that it 
had been difficult entirely to efface. 



107 Documents 

Friday, Apl. 5, 1867. 

Cabinet met at nine o'clock this morning, in accordance with a re- 
quest of Atty. General Stanbery made the evening before. — The object 
of the meeting was to decide what should be done upon the application 
made to the Supreme Court of the U. S. by Gov. Sharkey and R. J. 
Walker for an injunction to restrain the President from executing the 
military reconstruction act. It was agreed by the Cabinet that the At- 
torney Genl. should appear before the Court at 12 o'clock to-day and 
resist the motion — the only Secretary not expressing an opinion being 
Mr. Stanton, who said he was willing to defer in the matter to the 
judgment of the Attorney General. 20 

The President considered this another attempt at evasion, and reit- 
erated the belief that if it had not been for the pernicious influence ex- 
erted by the War Dept. over the " extreme gang " in Congress, during 
the first session of the 39th Congress, all the troubles that now divided 
the people would long since have been brought to a close. A gentleman 
had informed him that before Mr. Stanton became Secy, of War he 
heard Mr. S. allude to President Lincoln as " a damned baboon, grinning 
over the misfortunes of the country." 

April, 1867. 

A Mrs. Hodges, whose husband is a clerk of the House Judiciary 
Committee engaged in the impeachment investigation, called upon and 
informed the President that it was a "regular understanding" that if 
the Committee could not obtain sufficient testimony to impeach the Pres- 
ident, they were to manufacture it, and, for the purpose of gold specula- 
tions, would bring in a resolution of impeachment at the Session to meet 
on the first Wednesday in July. (See her "developments" in the 
package marked "Dunham, alias Conover.") 21 

A at: ( Mr. Stanton 

August 1, 1867. — \ , , , 

' ( requested to resign, etc. 

The President directed me to-day to write a letter in the following 
terms, viz : 

"Sir: Public considerations of a high character constrain me to say 
that your resignation as Secretary of War will be accepted. Very re- 
spectfully yours, 

Andrew Johnson. 
" To the Honorable Edwin M. Stanton," etc. 

The President said that for a year past Mr. Stanton must have seen 
that his resignation' would at any time have been acceptable to the 
Executive. When the above letter was written Genl. Grant had just 
had an interview with the President, having been sent for. The Pres- 
ident informed him of his intentions with regard to Mr. Stanton, and 
that he would be pleased to have the General act as Secretary of War. 
Genl. Grant urged that such a step would be impolitic, and that those 
who sought Mr. Stanton's removal were generally persons who had 
opposed the war. Besides, there were many claims pending in the War 
Dept. of which he (Grant) knew nothing, and of his ability to determine 
which he entertained serious doubts. The President replied that it could 

20 Mississippi v. Johnson, 4 Wallace 492. William L. Sharkey was governor 
of Mississippi ; Robert J. Walker had been senator from that state 1836-1845, and 
then (1845-1849) Secretary of the Treasury. 

21 The wife of Charles A. Dunham, alias Sanford Conover, had had a similar 
tale of subornation of perjury against Johnson in respect to the assassination of 
Lincoln. See Welles, III. 143—146. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 108 

not be said that he (Mr. Johnson) had opposed the war; that his action 
was not based upon any personal hostility toward Mr. Stanton, but upon 
public considerations of a high character; that as to pending claims, they 
could be examined and settled by a special commission or referred to 
Congress; and that it was not his wish to place the general in the atti- 
tude of seeking the place now tendered him. 

Genl. Grant replied that he would not shrink from the performance of 
any public duty that might be imposed upon him; but reiterated his 
opinion as to the impolicy of the proposed removal. 22 

Aug. 5, 1867. 

Was instructed by the President to deliver to Mr. Stanton, in person, 
the letter asking him to resign, the date having been changed to Aug. 5. 
Called at his room in the War Dept. twice, (not having found him in 
the first time,) and at about 10.15 A.M. delivered to him the letter. 
Found him in company with a gentleman, and I therefore merely handed 
him the letter, and retired. 

Aug. 5, 1867. Mrs. Surratt. 

The President, having heard that there was a recommendation in 
favor of Mrs. Surratt, sent today for the papers upon which was endorsed 
his approval of the finding and sentence of the Military Commission 
for the trial of the assassination conspirators. Forwarded with the 
papers was a recommendation of the Court for a commutation of the sen- 
tence in the case of Mrs. Surratt from hanging to imprisonment for life. 
The President very emphatically declared that he had never before seen 
the recommendation. He was positive that it had never before been 
brought to his knowledge or notice, and explained to me the circum- 
stances attending the signing of the order to carry into effect the sen- 
tence of the commission. He distinctly remembered the great reluc- 
tance with which he approved the death warrant of a woman of Mrs. 
Surratt's age, and that he asked Judge Advocate Genl. Holt, who orig- 
inally brought to him the papers, many questions, but that nothing what- 
ever was said to him respecting the recommendation of the Commission 
for clemency in her case. He had been sick, but when he signed the 
papers his mind was as clear as it had ever been. Besides, the recom- 
mendation did not appear in the published proceedings of the trial, by 
Benn Pitman, prepared and issued by authority of the Secretary of War, 23 
and he felt satisfied that it had been designedly withheld from his (the 
President's) knowledge. 

August 6, 1867 — Mr. Stanton. 

At about 1145 A.M. Mr. Stanton's reply was received. It was dated 
the 5th, and will be found in the papers marked " Hon. E. M. Stanton ", 24 
The President did not evince much, if any surprise, and thought that 
Mr. Stanton had pursued a course which neither he nor his friends could 
sustain before the country. He said he would leave Mr. Stanton hang- 
ing on the sharp hooks of uncertainty for a few days, and then suspend 
him from office. 

22 Grant then added a letter, of the same date, the text of which may be seen 
in Gorham's Stanton, II. 394-395. 

23 The Assassination of President Lincoln and the Trial of the Conspirators, 
compiled and arranged by Benn Pitman/ recorder of the commission (Cincinnati 
and New York, 1865). The manner in which the record was presented to the 
President and in which his signature to the executive order was obtained is dis- 
cussed in Dewitt's Assassination of Abraham Lincoln, pp. 133—137, 283—287; but 
see also Rhodes, V. 157. 

24 Trial, I. 149; Richardson, Messages, VI. 584; Gorham, II. 395-396. 



1 09 Documents 

Aug. 9, 1867. 
The President seems much relieved by the course he has taken in 
the case of Mr. Stanton, and is satisfied that public opinion will not 
sanction the position assumed by the Secretary. 

Aug. 11, (Sunday), 1867. 

The President and Genl. Grant had an interview. The President told 
the Genl. of his intention to make a change in the War Dept. by sus- 
pending Mr. Stanton, remarking that the place thus made vacant must 
be filled, and the question was, whether it would not be better that the 
Genl. should be made acting Secretary than that a stranger should be 
selected for the position. As the Commanding Genl. of the army, he 
understood the wants and interests of the service, and besides was in- 
timately connected, by the reconstruction acts, with their execution. 
The President wished to know if Genl. Grant would take the place, if 
appointed. Genl. Grant replied that he would of course obey orders. 
The President then said that he thought he had the right to ask if there 
was any thing between them, (the Genl. and himself). He had heard 
it intimated that there was, and he would now really like to know how it 
was. Genl. Grant replied that he knew of nothing personal between 
them, and then alluded to the difference of opinion between the Presi- 
dent and himself respecting the constitutional amendment and the recon- 
struction acts. 25 The interview here ended, and the President then 
directed me to bring to him the letter which had already been prepared 
suspending Mr. Stanton. The President said he was strongly inclined 
not merely to say " you are hereby suspended from office as Secry. of 
War," but " you are herebv suspended and removed from office as Secry 
of War." 

Before the question was determined, however, Mr. Seward called, 
and the President accompanied him to church. The President also di- 
rected me today to write a communication appointing Genl. Grant Sec. 
of War ad interim. 

Aug. 12, 1867. (Monday.) 

Col. Moore, by order of the President, delivered to Mr. Stanton the 
letter suspending him from office. The Secretary read it, and said, 
" I will send an answer." 

Col. M. then proceeded to Army Head Ors. and delivered to Genl. 
Grant the letter appointing him Sec. of War ad interim. He deliberately 
read it, folded it up, and said "' Very well." 

About half-past 12 p.m. Genl. Schriver handed to the President Mr. 
Stanton's reply to the letter suspending him from office. 20 

When the President read the letter to me, he said " the turning 
point has at last come; the Rubicon is crossed," adding, "You do not 
know what Mr. Stanton has said and done against me." He then re- 
ferred to a report prepared at the War Dept. upon a resolution of the 
House of Reps., in which was embraced a list of murders alleged to 
have been committed by rebels in the South, not called for by the in- 
quiry, and respecting which the Sec'ry had declared that when it was 
laid before the House the President would be thrust from office without 
a moment's delay. 

25 Welles, III. 167. 

28 Trial. I. 148, 149; Richardson, Messages, VI. 583-584. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 1 1 o 

August 13, 1867. 
Speaking of Mr. Stanton and his letter denying the President's au- 
thority to suspend him, the President said that Mr. Stanton was one 
of the most earnest members of the Cabinet in denouncing the consti- 
tutionality of the tenure of office act. He was so decided in his expres- 
sions that the President, who then had also under consideration the sup- 
plemental reconstruction act, requested that Mr. Stanton, Mr. Seward, 
and Mr. Welles should prepare a veto, as he (Mr. Johnson) had his 
hands too full to give the subject the attention which it merited.- 7 The 
veto was accordingly prepared, Mr. Seward writing it, Mr. Stanton fur- 
nishing the authorities, and Mr. Welles giving some references upon 
the question which the bill involved. The President and Secretary 
Welles said that on the occasion referred to, Mr. Stanton, in language as 
strong as that used by Senator Sherman when the measure was before 
the Senate, declared that no person of proper sense of honor would 
remain in the Cabinet when asked to resign. When Mr. Stanton had 
thus expressed himself, the President said he did his best to cause the 
Secretary to understand that his resignation would be agreeable. It 
seemed to be well understood that the bill had been passed for the pur- 
pose of retaining Mr. Stanton in President Johnson's Cabinet. 

Aug. 14, 1867. 
The President to day, in speaking of the Hon. Mr. Groesbeck, of Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio, 28 said he was thoroughly familiar with our currency sys- 
tem, and was eminently qualified for the Treasury portfolio. 

Aug. 17, 1867. 
The President issued an order to day for the removal of Genl. Sher- 
idan as Commander of the 5th District, believing that he was acting in 
a most arbitrary manner. In sending it to Genl. Grant, he wrote him a 
sort of personal note, saying that " before you issue instructions to carry 
into effect the enclosed order, I would be pleased to hear any suggestions 
you may deem necessary respecting the assignment to which the order 
refers." The President, in writing the note, said to me that if there were 
any good reasons against his order, Genl. Grant could call upon him and 
state them; that he presumed the General would of course oppose the 
order, as in his letter of the 1st Aug., 1867, he had protested against the 
proposed removal of Stanton and Sheridan, intimating that the change 
would produce a revolution. 29 Contrary to the President's expectations, 
Grant sent a written communication, of this date, urgently asking that 
the order be not insisted on, and which will be found in the package 
marked " Major Genl. P. H. Sheridan and the 5th Military District." 3 ^ 

Aug. 19, 1867. 

The President replied to Grant in a forcible letter of this date The 
General came over to see the President, and, after a brief conversation 
acquiesced in the President's reasons for the change of commanders in 
the Fifth Military District, expressing the belief that Sheridan who he 
said was familiar with the Western country, would do admirably in a 

"February 26, 1867. Welles, III. 50-51. 

28 William S. Groesbeck, who in the ensuing impeachment trial was counsel 
for the President. 



29 House Ex. Doc. No. 57, 40 Cong., 2 sess., p. 1 

30 Ibid., p. 4. 



1 1 1 Documents 

command in the Indian region. He added, however, that it had been 
rumored that first Sheridan would be removed by the President, then the 
other district commanders, and finally himself. The President smiled, 
and reminded the General that long ago he had desired him to act as Sec. 
of War. The General replied " yes, he did not see the use of a civilian 
as Sec. of War," and gave the President to understand that after all the 
removal or suspension of Mr. Stanton was not a bad thing. 

In narrating the above, the President said that when the proposition 
to remove Sheridan was submitted to the Cabinet, Mr. Welles alone 
favored it — the other — especially Messrs. McCulloch and Browning — - 
appearing absolutely frightened at the very idea. 31 

Aug. 24, 1867. 

On the 22d Genl. Grant referred to the President a telegram of the 
previous day from Surgeon Hasson, saying that Genl. Thomas 32 was in 
West Virginia, suffering from a disordered liver, and expressing the 
belief that it would be dangerous for the General to proceed to New 
Orleans, (to relieve Sheridan,) where the yellow fever was very preva- 
lent. The President thought that this was a favorable indication that 
Providence was aiding him — his desire, in the first instance, having been 
to send Hancock to relieve Sheridan, but Thomas having been finally 
selected, because he was know[n] to be a Radical in his views, and one 
to whom that party could offer no objection. At the same time, how- 
ever, he thought that Hancock was the better man of the two for New 
Orleans — being a splendid looking soldier, of most courteous bearing, 
firm and decided, and withal of considerable ability. He had not, be- 
sides, been mixed up with political matters, and would go to New 
Orleans unprejudiced. 

When, therefore, Grant sent over the Surgeon's certificate and recom- 
mended a suspension of the order, the President concluded that it should 
at once be changed. This he did not do, however, until today, (the 
24th,) when he altered the order so as to send Hancock to New Orleans, 
and leave Thomas, on account of the " unfavorable condition " of his 
health, in command of the Dept. of the Cumberland. 33 

In speaking of the Cabinet meeting on the previous day, the Presi- 
dent remarked that Grant had argued that it would not do to correct the 
District Commanders in what they did, as such interference must tend 
to lessen their influence in their commands. He had also actually 
argued that the commanders of military districts were heads of Depts., 
in the sense intended in the clause of the Constitution which declares 
that Congress " may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers 
as they think proper in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in 
the heads of departments." 34 

Aug. 26, 1868. 

The President issued today his modified order, retaining Thomas in 
command of the Dept. of the Cumberland, assigning Hancock to the 
5th Military District, and ordering Sheridan to the Dept. of the Mis- 
souri. He also ordered that Canby relieve Sickles in the command of 
the Second Military District. 

About three p.m. Aug. 27, the President received from Grant a 
letter, dated the 26th, protesting against the former's order in reference 
to the 5th Military District. The General urged — 

"Welles, III. 149-155. 

32 Major-General George H. Thomas. 

™ House Ex. Doc. No. 57, 4° Cong., 2 sess., pp. 6-7. 

34 Welles, III. 182-183, 186-187. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 1 1 2 

1st. That as Thomas himself had not been heard from directly, there 
was no present necessity for modifying the order of the 17th, and that 
unless there were some grave public reasons, no officer should be sent 
to New Orleans at this time, (on acct. of the prevalence of yellow fever.) 

2d. That if Sheridan were immediately withdrawn, there would re- 
main in command no officer of the rank required by law, (Brigadier 
Genl.) He assumed, therefore, that the President would at least modify 
his order in this respect. 

3d. That the laws devolved upon him (Grant) certain duties, and 
that he would not consent to yield any of the authority they vested in 
him, but on the contrary would insist upon its exercise. He admitted the 
right of the President to assign commanders to the districts, but thought 
that as he was, under the laws, responsible to a considerable extent for 
their execution, he should be consulted. He would, however, issue the 
order necessary to carry out the assignment directed by the President, 
but must object to the details. 

4. That never mind whether the country should judge right or 
wrong, this act of the President would be interpreted as an effort to 
defeat the reconstruction measures of Congress. Such a movement, on 
the part of the President, would only tend to disquiet and financial diffi- 
culties, and must lead to the adoption of more stringent measures in 
regard to the South. 

The Genl. concluded by saying that he had sent this communication 
to the President because he was greatly in earnest. 

The President, after having read the above letter in my presence, 
handed it to me. I read it, and at the request of the President, ex- 
pressed an opinion as to its contents. The President then pronounced 
it insubordinate in tone, and said that he hardly believed any answer 
could be necessary; that if it were even published naked and alone, it 
would, in the minds of all sensible persons, condemn the author; but 
that as it was late in the afternoon, he would not determine whether or 
not he would answer it; early in the morning, however, he would let me 
know his decision. 

Aug. 28, 1867. 

The President informed me this morning that he had determined to 
send for Genl. Grant, and discuss with him kindly, but firmly the posi- 
tions assumed in the latter's letter. If the result of the interview should 
not be satisfactory, a written reply could then be prepared. Genl. Grant 
was accordingly sent for, and in a few moments made his appearance. 

The interview did not last very long. To use the President's own 
words, " After a full and free conference upon the various points of 
objection raised in Genl. Grant's letter, the General himself proposed to 
withdraw the communication ". The President assenting, the Genl. took 
the latter with him, and shortly afterwards sent a formal request for 
permission for its withdrawal, to which the President formally re- 
sponded. 

The President said that in the course of the conversation he told 
Genl. Grant that the letter could do him (the President) no harm; that 
he could reply to it as successfully as he had answered his previous 
communication ; and that it would do the Genl. more harm than it would 
him, (the President). President Johnson reminded Genl. Grant that at 
the Cabinet meeting the day before he (Grant) had asked to be ex- 
cused from attending Cabinet sessions, as he did not wish to participate 
in political discussions, and had requested that he might be sent for when 



1 1 3 Documents 

military matters were to be considered ; also that the President had 
replied that it was entirely a matter of option with the General whether 
he engaged in such discussions or not. It now seemed (said the Presi- 
dent to Genl. Grant) that while the General was making these sugges- 
tions, this very letter, which amounted to a sort of political essay, was 
being copied for his signature at Army Headquarters. The President 
further suggested that if every order he gave was to provoke a political 
essay from the General, it would be impossible for the Executive and the 
head of the War Dept. to work together; that the General must know 
that there were persons whose interests it would be to create misunder- 
standing between them; and that he (the President) could not see the 
force of the General's arguments, especially those that referred to the 
authority conferred by law upon Grant, when the order itself expressly 
declared that the District Commanders were to exercise any and all 
powers conferred upon them by law — none other. 

Genl. Grant then asked if he could withdraw the paper, saying that 
he would issue the order, as instructed by the President. It was accord- 
ingly published on the 29th, bearing date the 27th. 35 (See papers marked 
"Genl. Grant, Genl. Sheridan, and Secretary Stanton.") 

Thursday, Nov. 21, 1867. 

About 8-1/2 p.m. Col. Cooper 30 came into the Library at the Execu- 
tive Mansion and told the President that John Morrissey had just been 
to see him, and had assured him that the House Judiciary Committee 
had rest lived upon a proposition for impeachment, and that the result 
had been effected by a change of base on the part of Mr. Churchill, of 
N.Y., a member of the Committee. 37 The President was disposed to 
doubt the correctness of the information, but remarked that if it was 
correct, " so let it be." I at once went to make inquiry, and ascertained 
that Cooper's information was correct. 

Friday, Nov. 30, 1867. 

Read to the Cabinet the President's annual message, to which there 
appeared to be no objection. 38 Also, read to the Cabinet his inquiries 
growing out of the proposition to suspend him during the impeachment 
trial. The Cabinet unanimously determined that the power of suspen- 
sion was one that could not be constitutionally exercised. 

The President was much gratified, and remarked to me, after the 
adjournment of the Cabinet, that the day had produced great results. 
The time for mere defence had now passed, and he could stand on the 
offensive in behalf of the Constitution and the country. 

Genl. Hancock's order, on assuming command of the 5th. Military 
District, 30 highly gratified the President, who characterized it as manly 
and statesmanlike. 

December 12, 1867. 

The Atty. Genl. (Mr. Stanbery) was quite anxious that the President 

Welles, III. 1SS-189. Grant's general order no. 81. 
30 Colonel Edmund Cooper, representative from Tennessee 1 866-1 867, assistant 
secretary of the Treasury 1 867-1 869, and an intimate friend of the President. 

37 John C. Churchill, representative 1867-1871. Welles, III. 238. 

38 Richardson, VI. 558-581. 

39 The celebrated order no. 40, dated November 29, 1867, emphasizing the 
supremacy of the civil power. See The Civil Record of Major-General Winfield 
Scott Hancock during his Administration in Louisiana and Texas, pp. 4-5, and 
F. E. Goodrich. Life of Hancock, pp. 245-246. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. 8. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 114 

should at once communicate to the Senate the reasons for the suspension 
of Mr. Stanton, suggesting that under the tenure of office bill the 20 
days began on the assembling of Congress on the 21st of Nov. Mr. 
Stanbery had prepared a very elaborate paper on the subject, while the 
President had expressed his views in a brief, dignified history of the 
case, covering but a few pages. This, the President believed, was all 
that the question required. Mr. Stanbery, however, thought the case 
presented an excellent opportunity for the President's vindication, and 
therefore urged that his paper should be sent to the Senate. T-o-day the 
President caused me to read the message prepared by the Attorney 
General to Messrs. Stanbery, Welles, and Browning, and they discussed 
at some length the questions it contained. 40 

December 15, 1867. 

The President yet thinks his message in Mr. Stanton's case would 
perhaps have been the best that could have been sent in. He says, 
however, that several Senators and other persons had told him that the 
one he had sent to the Senate contained the only explanation they had 
seen of the New Orleans riot. 

He said that he understood from reliable authority that General 
Grant had considerable feeling about Secy. Stanton's letter yielding to 
him the War office. It was understood (the President remarked) that 
before Genl. Grant accepted the ad interim appointment he and Mr. 
Stanton had a " full and free conference," in which the latter advised the 
former to take the position. The General, however, seemed to think that 
in saying " inasmuch as the Genl. commanding the armies of the U. S. 
has been appointed ad interim, and has notified me that he has accepted 
the appointment, I have no alternative but to submit to military force." 
Mr. Stanton conveyed an intimation that he (Grant) was to some ex- 
tent responsible for the President's action. 

In further referring to Genl. Grant, the President observed that at 
the time of the removal of Sheridan, Grant appeared to have fallen into 
the idea that a revolution would be the result of such a proceeding; and 
that when the question was submitted to the Cabinet, Secretary Welles 
was the only one who sustained the President. Even Atty. Genl. Stan- 
bery opposed the order, saying to the President that Mr. Wilson, the 
chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, 41 had declared that such 
a step would lead to impeachment, inasmuch as it would clearly indicate 
the intention of the Executive to hinder the execution of the recon- 
struction laws. The President said that when the removal of Sheridan 
was proposed, Mr. Browning's face actually seemed to grow thin at the 
suggestion, and that Mr. Randall exhibited nervousness and recom- 
mended delay. 

The President has prepared a message, suggesting to Congress a vote 
of thanks to Genl. Hancock for the order issued by him in assuming 
command of the 5th District, which takes ground for the prevalence of 
civil law. He has not yet, however, determined to send it to Congress. 42 

Jany. 7, 1868. 
I prepared today, by the President's direction, a letter of removal 
in the case of Mr. Stanton, and also a brief message to the Senate 

40 Richardson, VI. 583-594. Orville H. Browning was Secretary of the 
Interior. 

41 James F. Wilson, representative from Iowa 1861-1869, one of the managers 
of the impeachment on behalf of the House, and senator 1883-1895. 

42 Sent to the Senate under date December 18, 1867. 



115 Documents 

informing that body of the termination of Mr. S.'s connection with the 
War Dept. by dismissal. 43 The President said he desired to have these 
papers ready for signature at any moment, as he saw that the Senate 
were about to take up and act upon the suspension of the Secretary. 
I referred to the assertion made by some of the journals that Genl. 
Grant had expressed an intention to transfer the War Office to Mr. 
Stanton, in case the Senate should decide in the latter's favor. The 
President answered that Genl. Grant had told him that his action would 
be limited to withdrawing from the Department and leaving it in the 
hands of the President as fully as when it was conferred upon him, (the 
Genl.) The President expressed the opinion that perhaps it would be 
well for the Senate to reinstate the Secretary, as he could at once be 
removed, and in the mean time Genl. Grant be gotten rid of; indeed both 
would thus be disposed of, so far as the War Dept. was concerned. 
"Grant" (the President remarked) ''had served the purpose for which 
he had been selected, and it was desirable that he should be superseded 
in the War Office by another." 

January 14, 1868. 

The President received last evening official notice of the action of the 
Senate, taken that day, refusing to concur in the suspension of Secy. 
Stanton. This morning Genl. Comstock, one of Grant's aides, delivered 
to the President a letter from the General, stating that he had last even- 
ing received official notice of the action of the Senate in the case of the 
suspension of Mr. Stanton, and that under the second section of the 
tenure of office law, his (Grant's) functions ceased from the time of the 
receipt by him of the Senate's resolution. 44 

The President exhibited great indignation at what he termed " Grant's 
duplicity ". He said that no later than the preceding Saturday Grant 
had distinctly told him that if he found he could not, in his own opinion, 
properly resist the action of the Senate, he would at least leave the office 
of Sec. of War in the condition in which it was when he had been ap- 
pointed to the position. This the President declared was not the first 
time that Genl. Grant had deceived him. In the case of the removal of 
Gov. Jenkins, of Georgia, by Genl. Meade, noticed in this morning's 
papers, Grant (the President said) had entirely deceived him, having 
given him to understand that no such removal would be made. 

Genl. Grant attended Cabinet meeting to-day, (the 14th) and the 
President, in the presence of the Secretaries, referred to the War Dept. 
matter, asking the General if he did not distinctly tell the President 
that should the Senate reinstate the Secretary of War, and he (Grant) 
should not feel himself at liberty to resist such action, he would at least 
leave the office at the disposal of the President. This, the Presidt. said, 
the General acknowledged before the entire Cabinet, with an abashed 
look never to be forgotten. 45 Besides (continued the President) Genl. 
Grant attended the levee last evening, with his wife. Before coming he 
had received notice of the action of the Senate, and could then have 
notified me of what he intended to do, and at least have left me the 
option of making another selection in his place, if I deemed it proper to 
do so. He then alluded to an assertion that had beeen made that previous 
to Genl. Grant's attendance at the levee, the Genl. and Secretary Stanton 
had had a conference at the former's residence and agreed upon a 

43 The letter {Trial, I. 156) was not actually sent until February 21, 1868. 

44 McPherson, Reconstruction, p. 283. 

45 Welles, III. 259-262. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore i 16 

course of action, and laughed at the fact that the Radicals had actually 
legislated Grant, their favorite for the Presidency, out of the War Dept. 

January 15, 1868. 

Genl. Grant, in company with Gen. Sherman, called early this morn- 
ing. After the interview closed, the President said to me that Genl. 
Grant had alluded to an article published in the Intelligencer of this 
morning, and headed 'The Stanton affair." and remarked that it con- 
tained some things which he (Grant) did not understand to be true. 
The President replied that he had not yet read the article ; and shortly 
after Grant and Sherman withdrew. 

At the President's request, I read to him the article, and he said it 
was substantially true. Subsequently Secretary Welles came in, and 
when the subject was mentioned to him, said that he had read the article, 
and that it was a true statement of the case, so far as it related to what 
had taken place at the Cabinet meeting. The Secretary added that he 
was sorry some one had not been " present to take down the exact words, 
but more especially to paint Grant's confusion of face and manner;" 
that the General "acknowledged every thing the President said in 
regard to the understanding between them, and when the conversation 
was through, slunk away to the door in a manner most humiliating and 
pitiable." 

January 16, 1868. 

Secretary McCulloch, in describing the scene at the Cabinet meeting 
to Atty. Genl. Stanbery, (who was not present on the occasion,) con- 
veyed the same idea as that expressed by Secretary Welles yesterday. 

Jany. ij. — For proceedings of Cabinet on the Grant-Stanton matter 
see Vol. 4, scrap book, page JJ. iQ 

January 26. (Sunday) 1868 — 

The President said he intended to make a new military district, con- 
sisting of Maryland, Delaware. Virginia, and West Virginia, and to 
place Genl. Sherman in command, his headquarters to be in the War 
Dept., at Washington; that then it was his purpose to make Sherman 
Sec. of War ad interim.* He told me that yesterday evening week Genl. 
Sherman intimated to him that there was not the best of feeling between 
Mr. Stanton and Genl. Grant; that on the next morning (Sunday, the 
19th.) Genl. Grant called at the Executive Mansion prior to going to 
Richmond, and in the course of conversation spoke of the insignificance 
to which Mr. Stanton could be reduced in his present position ; that he 
(the President) referred to the law creating the office, and replied yes, 
that the Secretary would amount to nothing more than a clerk ; that 
General Grant then said that he would not obey Mr. Stanton's orders, 
unless he knew they emanated from the President; that he (the Presi- 
dent) replied that in pursuing such a course the General would do 
right; that he (the President) did not consider Mr. Stanton as author- 
ized to act as Secretary of War ; he had suspended him from office, and 
did not intend to recognize him. 

The President then referred to a letter of Genl. Grant, delivered on 
the 24th by Genl. Comstock. viz : " I have the honor very respectfully 

46 Doubtless the scrapbook referred to by Welles, III. 262. It is at the 
Library of Congress. 

* See package marked Genl. Sherman for his letters, declining to take a 
command at Washington. (A T ote in original.) 



1 1 7 Documents 

to request to have in writing the order which the President gave me 
verbally on Sunday, the 19th. instant, to disregard the orders of the 
Hon. E. M. Stanton as Secretary of War, until I know from the Presi- 
dent himself that they were his orders." 47 

The President said to me that he did not think he would give the 
order; that the General had been very restive under Mr. Stanton, had 
evidently been very glad to get rid of him, had now put him back in the 
War Dept., and he thought he would let them fight it out. The Presi- 
dent also alluded to a letter of Genl. Sherman, dated the 18th., in which 
that officer, in referring to Genl. Grant, says " he will call on you 
tomorrow, and offer to go to Mr. Stanton to say, for the good of the 
service and of the country, he ought to resign." (See papers marked 
"Genl. Sherman.") 

January 28, 186S. — See, in the " Correspondence with Genl. Grant 
growing out of his vacation of the War Department," letter of Janv. 28, 
1868, renewing his request of the 24th, and alluding to " gross misrepre- 
sentations " " purporting to come from the President," etc., etc. 

In the same package of papers, will also be found the President's 
order upon the subject, dated Jan. 29, 1868, and Genl. Grant's reply 
dated the succeeding day. 

January 2Q, 1868, the President dictated his reply to General Grant's 
letter of the 28th. 

January jl. — Genl. Grant's letter of the 28 was today read to the 
Cabinet. The President then submitted his reply. It was declared to be 
correct, and met the approval of all the members of the Cabinet present, 
excepting Mr. Stanbery, who, not having attended the meeting of the 
14th, could not of course say any thing with reference to the accuracy 
of the President's statements. The members present today, in addition 
to Mr. Stanbery, were Messrs. Seward, Welles, McCulloch, Randall, and 
Browning. 4S 

February 3, 1868. — 

The correspondence between the President and Genl. Grant was read 
today to Genl. Sherman. Genl. Sherman corroborated the statement 
made by Genl. Grant in his letter of the 28th, respecting the conversa- 
tion which took place on Saturday, the nth Jany, between the General, 
Lieut. General, and some members of Grant's staff, in which the latter 
expressed his views as to his duty under the tenure of office law, and 
said he would at once see the President upon the subject. Genl. Sher- 
man told the President that Genl. Grant seemed to have made up his 
mind to await Mr. Stanton's written demand for the office, and then to 
have referred the subject to the President — thus, as the President held, 
conclusively showing that the General did contemplate holding on to the 
office for the President's instructions, and that for some cause or other 
he suddenly changed his intention. Genl. Sherman further said that 
Genl. Grant was very much angered at the course of Mr. Stanton, and 
seemed to have been thwarted in his plans by the action of the Secre- 
tary in taking such early possession of the War Office. General Sher- 
man also said that General Grant had told him that Tuesday morning, 
when Mr. Stanton took possession of the War Dept., the Secretary had 
sent for him in the usual manner, by an orderly ; that Genl. Grant was 

47 Trial, I. 240. 

** Welles, III. 267, 268. The various letters alluded to are in McPherson, 
pp. 282-286. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 1 1 8 

indignant against him, declaring that he would never again enter the 
Dept. while Mr. Stanton was its head, unless sent for ; and that Genl. 
Grant was deeply troubled by the condition which affairs had now 
assumed, and had become very obstinate in reference to the matter. 49 

February 4, 1868. 

Genl. Grant's letter of the 3d, in reply to the President's communica- 
tion of the 31st, was read to the Cabinet to-day. 50 It evoked expressions 
both of indignation and ridicule. 

Attorney Genl. Stanbery said that aside from the facts in the case, 
the tone and taste of the letter struck him as most extraordinary. 

Secretary Browning. It is the weakest and most disreputable letter 
that he could have written. 

Secretary Welles. He has great ambition, and is a most remorseless 
man. That was shown in his campaign in Virginia. 

Secretary McCulloch. His conversation here was exactly the con- 
trary of what he asserts. 

Mr. Secretary Browning. The letter is weak, false, and disreputable. 

A suggestion was then made, which met with great unanimity, that 
an answer should be returned simply stating that the character of the 
communication was such as to preclude any further correspondence upon 
the subject. Atty General Stanbery thought that the acknowledgment 
of the letter should be made by the Private Secretary — not by the Pres- 
ident, and in the course of the conversation Mr. Secretary McCulloch 
stated that General Grant seemed so greatly disturbed at the Cabinet 
meeting of the 14th. ultimo that it was not surprising that he did not 
recollect what he had then said. 

Secretary Browning. How does he explain why he entered into an 
explanation as an excuse for not having called on Monday? If he had 
not promised, there was no necessity for any excuse. 

The Attorney General then read the letter, reviewing it, as he pro- 
ceeded, very severely. 

February 5, 1868. 
Mr. Stanbery called this morning, and the President caused to be 
read to him the reply he had prepared to Genl. Grant's letter of the 3d. 
The Attorney General earnestly urged that as the question was now one 
of veracity between the President and the General, the members of the 
Cabinet who were present at the Cabinet meeting of the 14th. ultimo 
should be called upon for a statement respecting the conversation which 
then took place. He reminded the President that he (Mr. S.) was an 
old lawyer, that he had been accustomed to watching cases, and he be- 
lieved now was the moment to nail this whole affair by doing as he had 
suggested. 51 

February 6, 1868. 
The President today issued an order creating the Military Division 
of the Atlantic, to be commanded by Lieut. Genl. Sherman, with his 
headquarters at Washington — the Genl. to assume command as early as 
may be practicable. The President thought this order would " set some 
persons to thinking." 

49 Sherman, Memoirs (1S86), II. 425-428. 

50 Welles, III. 269-270. 

"This course was taken. Welles, III. 271. The letters are in McPherson, 
pp. 289-291. 



1 1 9 Documents 

February 7, 1868. 
The President, this morning, directed the withdrawal of the above- 
named order, and it was accordingly returned from Genl. Grant's Head- 
quarters. 

February 12th, 1868. 
The President to-day renewed the order creating the Division of 
the Atlantic — omitting, however, the words, " You will direct Lieut. 
Genl. Sherman to assume command as early as may be practicable." 

February 13, 1868. 

The President today nominated Sherman " to be General by brevet in 
the Army of the U.S. for distinguished courage, skill, and ability dis- 
played during the war of the rebellion ". 

February 15, 1868. 

It is said that General Sherman objects to the nomination of 
General by brevet, as well as to the command of the new Military 
Division. - The President, in referring to the matter, said that when 
Sherman was in Washington, he conversed with him upon both of these 
subjects; that the General had expressed in writing his views in regard 
to the new command ; but that when it was proposed to brevet him, 
he had objected in a way in which a diffident man would hesitate to 
accept such a distinction. 

Monday, Febry. 17, 1868. 

On Saturday, the 15th, it was suggested to John Potts, the Chief 
Clerk of the War Dept., that as in case of vacancy the law made 
him the custodian of all official papers in the Dept., he would be the 
proper person to be appointed Sec. of War ad interim, until Genl. Mc- 
Clellan or some other suitable person could be nominated to and con- 
firmed by the Senate. The President's idea was to remove Mr. Stanton, 
appoint John Potts Secretary ad interim, and let him demand the 
papers, etc. of the War Dept. If Mr. Stanton refused to yield them, then 
the case was to be brought before the courts. Mr. Potts earnestly de- 
sired not to be placed in such a position, urging that he, as Chief Clerk, 
was the appointee of the Secretary; that if he should go to the Secre- 
tary and demand the papers, the Secretary could reply by his removal; 
that his relations with Mr. Stanton were of a very pleasant nature, and 
he did not wish to disturb them. 

The President remarked this morning that if he could only find a 
proper person to act as Secretary ad interim, he would settle the War 
Department question without a moment's delay. 

February 18, 186S. 
The President entertains some idea of appointing Genl. Thomas, the 
Adjutant General, Secretary of War ad interim. 

February 19, 1868. 

The President received through Army Headquarters, this morning, 
Genl. Sherman's letter of the 14th. He was at a loss to know why the 
Genl. had not communicated directly with him, and although Sherman in 
most earnest terms asked to be relieved from the command of the New 
Military Dept., the President thought he would yet be pleased to come 
to Washington, remarking that he knew Mrs. S. wished to do so. 

The President did not delay long in sending the following telegram: 

52 See The Sherman Lottos, pp. 300-310. 



Notes of Colonel W. G Moore \ 20 

" To Lt. Genl. Wm. T. Sherman, 
" Saint Louis, Mo. 
" I have just reed,. with Genl. Grant's endorsement of reference your 
letter to me of the 14th. instant. The order to which you refer was 
made in good faith, and with a view to the best interests of the country 
and the Service. As, however, your assignment to a new military divi- 
sion seems so objectionable, you will retain your present command. 
. "Andrew Johnson." 

A copy of the above was sent to Genl. Grant for his information. 

« T ., D . , t St - Louis, Feb. 19, 1868. 

10 the President : 

' Your very kind despatch is at hand. I cannot express under what 
deep obligations I am for your concession to my wishes. 

Wm. T. Sherman, 
" Lieut. General." 

™, -d ., ,. Feb. 19 — continued. 

ine President discussed the expediency of making Adjt Genl Lor- 
enzo Thomas Sec. of War ad interim. He said he was determined to 
remove Mr. Stanton; that self-respect demanded it; and that if the 
people did not entertain sufficient respect for their Chief Magistrate to 
uphold him in such a measure, then he ought to resign 

T , „. _ , . Febry 20, 1868. 

Ihe War Dept. subject still under consideration in the mind of the 
President. 

Tt „ ., Febry 21, 1868. 

Ihe President entered the office promptly this morning, and imme- 
diately directed the preparation of the following-named papers - 53 

ist-The removal of Mr. Stanton and the apptmt. of Lorenzo 
I nomas, the Adjt. General, as Secretary of War ad interim. 

2d. A message notifying the Senate of the change. 

3d. A request to the Secretary of State to bring with him to Cabinet 
meeting the nomination of George B. McClellan as Minister to En-land 

4th. A nomination for the apptmt. of George H. Thomas as a Lieu- 
tenant General by brevet, and a General by brevet. 

The President sent for Genl. Lorenzo Thomas, and handed him his 
rT ° f a PP° mtment > and aJ so the removal of Mr. Stanton. He showed 
Genl. Thomas the laws upon the subject, remarking that he wished to 
proceed according to the Constitution and the laws, and advised the 
General to be accompanied by a witness when he delivered to Mr 
Stanton the letter of removal. Genl. Thomas said he would take with 
him Genl. Williams, of the Adj. Genl's. Office," and would report the 
result to the President. 

Before one o'clock P. M. Genl. Thomas returned, and reported that 
he had delivered to Mr. Stanton the President's communication with the 
remark, " I am directed by the President to hand you this." Mr Stan- 
ton (said Genl. Thomas) sat on the sofa, and after reading the paper 
said Do you wish me to vacate at once, or am I to be permitted to 
stay long enough to remove my property?" "Certainly", I said; "act 

63 The first two are in Trial, I. 156. 

54 Major Robert Williams, brevet brigadier-general, assistant adjutant-general. 
The ensuing narrative agrees with Thomas's testimony, Trial, I. 418-419. " 



i 2 i Documents 

your pleasure ". I then showed him my order. He said " I wish you to- 
give me a copy." I replied " Certainly, sir." I then returned to my 
office, a copy of the paper was made by Genl. Townsend, 55 and I cer- 
tified it as Secretary of War ad interim. When I took it up to him, he 
said " I want some little time for reflection. I don't know whether I 
shall obey your orders or resist them." 

The Senate was notified by message of the change made in the War 
Dept. and the nominations of Genl. McClellan and Genl. Thomas™ were 
submitted, at the same time, to that honorable body. 

February 22, 1868. 

Genl. Thomas 57 was arrested at an early hour this morning. He went 
to the Executive Mansion in company with the Marshal, and then, at 
the President's suggestion, proceeded to the Atty General for advice. 
The President said the intention was to give bail and stand trial. 
Shortly after he sent for the Atty Genl., who came immediately. 

Genl. Thomas was released on bail, and after calling at the office 
of the Atty. Genl., proceeded to the President's House and saw Mr. 
Johnson, relating to him the proceedings before Judge Cartter. He 
then went to the War Dept., and was summoned into the presence of 
Mr. Stanton, who, he said, was surrounded by several members of Con- 
gress. The Adjt. General gave the following account of the conversa- 
tion that ensued: Mr. Stanton remarked that he understood that Genl. 
Thomas had been issuing orders as Secretary of War ad interim, and 
he ordered him to desist. Genl. Thomas replied that Mr. Stanton was 
no longer Secretary of War, but that he (Thomas) was, and would con- 
tinue to issue orders as such. Mr. Stanton then ordered him to proceed 
to his own office as Adjt. General. Gen. Thomas positively refused to 
take any order from Mr. Stanton, and the order and refusal were 
repeated three times. Mr. Stanton replied " Very well " ; then you may 
stand in the middle of the floor as long as you like. Upon the suggestion 
of Genl. Thomas, he and Mr. Stanton then went into an adjoining room, 
where Mr. S. repeated his orders, which the General declined to obey. 
Genl. Moorhead, a Representative from Pa., 58 was present, and wrote 
the orders of the Secretary and the replies of General Thomas. In the 
course of the conversation, Genl. Thomas told Mr. Stanton that he had 
caused his (Thomas') arrest before breakfast, and that he had had 
nothing to eat or drink. Mr. Stanton replied that he thought Genl. 
Schriver 5u could supply a drink, and thereupon that gentleman produced 
a small bottle, containing a small drink, which Genl. Thomas took. Mr. 
Stanton then put his arm around Genl. T.'s neck, and run his fingers 
through his hair. He also sent to his house for a full bottle, which 
arriving, they drank together. 

Mr. Stanbery and Mr. Welles came to see the President. After an 
earnest conversation, it was determined, upon the urgent recommenda- 
tion of the Attorney General, to send to the Senate the name of Thomas 
Ewing, senior, of Ohio, for Secretary of War. Mr. Stanbery said he 

55 Colonel Edward D. Townsend, brevet major-general. 

66 George H. 

67 Lorenzo ; arrested at Stanton's instance. See his testimony, Trial, I. 428- 
429. 

58 James K. Moorhead, representative 1 859-1 869. See his testimony in Trial, 
I. 170-174. 

511 Edmund Schriver, brevet major-general, in charge of the Inspection Bureau. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 1 2 2 

was not too old for the place; 60 that he was an able lawyer, an "old line 
Whig," and an earnest supporter of the President. The President had in 
the morning suggested Mr. Ewing's apptment. The nomination was pre- 
pared and taken to the Senate, but that body had adjourned after a very 
brief session. 01 

In the House of Reps, there was considerable excitement, and the 
Committee on Reconstruction presented a resolution of impeachment. 

The President says that he has made an issue demanded by his self- 
respect, and that if he cannot be President in fact, he will not be Pres- 
ident in name alone. I have (said he) taken a step which I believe to 
be right, and I intend to abide by it. I do not want to see this Gov- 
ernment relapse into a despotism. I have ever battled for the rights 
and liberties of the People, and I am now endeavoring to defend them 
from arbitrary power. 

February 23d, 1868 (Sunday.) 
A message was prepared today in reply to the Senate resolution 
denying the power of the President to remove the Secretary of War and 
appoint a Secretary ad interim. It seems the message is at the instance 
of some of the Radical Senators, who it is said desire some reasons to 
justify them in opposing impeachment. 

February 24, 1868— (Monday.) 
The message above referred to, bearing date the 22d, 62 and the 
nomination of Mr. Ewing, were submitted to the Senate to-day. A laro- e 
number of the City Police on duty at the Capitol— there seeming to be 
an apprehension of some demonstration against Congress. At the Exec- 
utive Mansion affairs are very quiet. 

Senator Doolittle 03 sent to the President this morning, in great haste 
a note urging him to send a message to both Houses. The President 
said he would do nothing of the kind. The message he had prepared 
was in answer to a resolution of the Senate, and the House had there- 
fore nothing to do with it. 

The President, at about 6 P.M. today, received information of the 
vote on impeachment in the House of Reps.— 126 to 47. He received 
the news very calmly, simply remarking that he thought many of those 
who had voted for impeachment felt more uneasv as to the position in 
which they had thus placed themselves than he did as to the situation in 
which they had put him. 

February 25, 1868. 
Matters very quiet at the Executive Mansion. 

„ T February 26, 1868. 

benl. Lorenzo Thomas was today released— Mr. Stanton declining to 
prosecute. & 

It is said that the Committee upon the subject are in "travail" over 
the articles of impeachment that are to be brought against the President 
— finding it difficult to agree. 

February 28, 1868. 
On Monday Genl. Emory, 01 commanding the Department of Wash- 
m Gov. Thomas Ewing, formerly Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of the 
Interior, and senator, was 78 years old at this time. 

61 See Co'l. Moore's testimony in Trial, J. 556-557. 

62 Printed in Richardson, VI. 622-627. 

63 James R. Doolittle of Wisconsin, senator 1857-1869. 
61 Maj.-Gen. William H. Emory. 



j 2 3 Documents 

ington, instructed the officer commanding the garrison of the city to send 
verbal orders to officers in charge of troops or posts that all orders must 
come through proper channels. 

February 29, 1868. 

The President, in very earnest terms, referred to the question of im- 
peachment. He said : " They have impeached me for a violation of the 
Constitution and the laws. Have I not been struggling, ever since I 
occupied this chair, to uphold the Constitution which they are trampling 
under foot? I suppose I made Col. Cooper angry with me to-day. He 
wanted me to use the patronage of my office to prevent a judgment 
against me by the Senate! I will do nothing of the kind. If acquitted, 
I will not owe it to bribery. I would rather be convicted than buy 
acquittal." 

Articles of impeachment were today reported from the Committee in 
the House of Reps. 

March 7, 1868. 

At seven o'clock P. M. today the Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate 
presented to the President the summons to appear before the High Court 
of Impeachment. 

March 8. 1868. 

The President said that overtures had been made to Secretary Seward, 
to the effect that in the event of a change of administration he should 
be retained in office, provided he did nothing to interfere with the prog- 
ress of impeachment. Mr. Seward's reply was, " I will see you damned 
first ! The impeachment of the President is the impeachment of his 
Cabinet." 

March 10, 1868. 

Mr. Stanbery has determined to resign the office of Attorney General, 
that he may become one of the President's counsel in the impeachment 
trial— Unless he resigned, he said that the Radicals would charge that 
while he was the counsel of the President, he was in the pay of the 
United States. Besides he wished to devote his whole time and atten- 
tion to the great work. Afterwards he might resume the office, provided 
the Senate would permit him to do so. 

March 11, 1868. 

Mr. Stanbery submitted today his resignation. 

March 13, 1868. 
The President declares that if his defence is not conducted according 
to his ideas, he will appear before the Senate in person and defend 
himself, saying that then, if he should be convicted, he alone could be 
blamed, if it followed as the result of plain speaking. 

March 14, 1868. 

The President and his counsel are in consultation. He is informed 
that since day before yesterday the troops have been under arms, fur- 
nished each with forty rounds of cartridges. 

Received a rumor, at three o'clock, of the death of Hon. Thad. 
Stevens. 65 The President did not think it could be true, and compared 
Mr. Stevens to Vesuvius, which at times withdrew into itself all its 
heat and vapor, only to burst forth again in flames and lava. So he 
thought it must be with Mr. Stevens — a sort of temporary paralysis, 
which would be succeeded by a flow of living passion. 

The rumor proved to be without foundation. 

65 Stevens did not die until August 11. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 124 

March 16, 1868. 

Mr. Stanbery entered the Library this morning in excellent spirits. 
Fie said " I am now in regular training, like a prize-fighter. Every 
morning and evening, I have a man to come and rub me down, to keep 
in good condition. I feel that we will win, and that you, Mr. President, 
will come out all right. As the boys say, I feel it in my bones. Don't 
lose a moment's sleep, Mr. President, but be hopeful. When some 
things are done, we cannot tell if they be for good or for evil. I confess 
I felt a misgiving about this act of impeachment when it was first done; 
but now that it has been done, and the whole matter is to be considered, 
I see in it nothing but good. It gives you the great opportunity to vin- 
dicate yourself, as President, against every charge made against you. 
It gives you an opportunity to do so not only before the American people, 
but before the entire world — an opportunity such as you could never 
otherwise have had, to search and probe every thing connected with your 
official life — to show whether you are a traitor or not; to show whether 
or not your policy, when contrasted with theirs, is not the policy of wis- 
dom ; to show what would have been the result if it had been carried out, 
and to bring before the public the results of the course which your polit- 
ical opponents have pursued. 

" Why, Mr. President, they call you a traitor to the party which 
elected you. I am one of that party. When I put the question to myself 
as to services, I find that I am far behind you in good works ; for what 
did /do? All that I did was without loss or peril, while what you have 
done, has been in the face of all sorts of dangers and difficulties. From 
the first a Union man, do I feel that you have disappointed me in any 
hope I had in you? So far from it, if you had taken any other course, 
I should have been sadly disappointed and grieved. When you suc- 
ceeded Mr. Lincoln, I said that the danger was that in his death the 
South had lost its best friend, and that you, stimulated by the injuries 
you had received from the Southern people, would not deal with them 
mercifully. That, Mr. President, was my fear, and entertaining this 
idea, I would not have entered your Administration at the time it was 
first formed. I came here the succeeding winter. I found you doing 
your best for reconciliation, and when you called me to Washington, I 
did not hesitate a moment. I have watched you day and night ; I have 
been with you under all circumstances, and have been consulted by you 
upon every subject, from the beginning to the end of my connection 
with your Administration, and I have seen nothing which, had I been in 
your place, I would not have done myself. 

" This impeachment trouble grows out of Mr. Stanton's removal. Let 
me recall a circumstance. When I came here I found Mr. Stanton in 
perfect harmony with you. While you were absent on your Western 
tour, Mr. Stanton and I rode to the Arsenal. We commenced talking 
about matters, and I said ' The President seems to confide more in you 
than in Seward.' ' Well ' he replied, ' I believe he does.' That was in 
August, 1866. 

" Mr. President, if I can only keep well for this trial, I will be willing 
to be sick during the balance of my life. I know, sir, that you will come 
out of it brighter than you have ever shone." 

The above is nearly a verbatim report of Mr. Stanbery's remarks, 
delivered with great earnestness, and considerable rapidity of utterance. 
He became so impressive and eloquent that, without his knowledge, I 
seized a pencil, and wrote in short-hand as he proceeded. 



125 Documents 

The- President in referring to the remark made by Mr. Stanbery in 
respect to Mr. Stanton, said that it recalled to his mind the fact that 
about the time of the Western trip, Mr. Stanton cautioned him that Mr. 
Seward was a candidate for the Presidency. 

Hon. Alex. H. Stephens, of Georgia, visited the President this morn- 
ing. The President said that Mr. Stephens actually shed tears as he 
spoke of impeachment, and remarked " I have served with you in Con- 
gress ten years, 66 I have been with you in canvasses, I know you as well 
as you are known by any man, and now let me counsel you, as I would a 
brother, to make your own defence. No one can do it as well as your- 
self, and I believe your safety demands it." 

March 17, 1868. 

All the counsel are with the President this morning- — Messrs. Stan- 
bery, Curtis, Black, Evarts, and Nelson. 67 Mr. Curtis is reading the 
answer he has prepared to the articles of impeachment. 

R. W. Latham 68 called to see the President, but as he was engaged 
with his counsel, Mr. L. sent for me. He said that last evening he had 
seen Senator Pomeroy, 69 who had authorized him to say to the President 
that as matters now stand conviction is a dead certainty, but that the 
resignation of the entire Cabinet will place him in a position, if he 
will act prompth — say not later than Thursday — to kill impeachment. 
Mr. Pomeroy suggests N. P. Banks for the Department of State, Robt. 
J. Walker for the Treasury — preferring, however, Smythe personally, 
but Walker, so far as the interests of the country are concerned ; F. P. 
Stanton for the Navy Dept., and submits no names for the Interior and 
P. O. Depts., though he thinks the present Heads should be removed. 70 
Mr. Latham told me that Pomeroy observed to him, " You may say to 
the President that I don't think he will do this, or take advantage of his 
position; that he relies more on his enemies than on his friends; that 
he will in all probability postpone action in these matters until his 
props are knocked from under him, and then he can do nothing. Did 
you ever see a blacksmith, who, having his iron heated, hesitated until 
it cooled? If so, what sort of a weld did it make?" 

Mr. Latham continued: " F. P. Stanton and myself had a long talk 
with Stewart, of Nevada, 71 last night — a sort of caucus in this matter. 
He is the bitterest man in the Senate; but he said if this thing were done, 
it would destroy impeachment entirely. He went so far as to say that 
if he were in the President's place, he would put Butler in one of these 
offices rather than stand in his present position." 

Mr Latham also said that Senator Pomeroy declared that impeach- 
ment was viewed as a political, not a legal question, and that he would 

"'■ 1843-1853. 

57 Henry Stanbery, Benjamin R. Curtis, Jeremiah S. Black, William M. Evarts, 
and Thomas A. R. Nelson. Later Black's place was taken by William S. 
Groesbeck. 

6S R. W. Latham of New York was at this time president of the Washington, 
Georgetown, and Alexandria Railroad, with offices in Washington. He appears 
to have had some political influence in Virginia. 

60 Samuel C. Pomeroy, senator from Kansas 1861-1873. 

70 Nathaniel P. Banks, representative from Massachusetts 1853—1857, 1 865— 
1873. 1875-1877, 1889-1891 ; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, senator 1836-1845, 
secretary of the Treasury 1845-1849; H. A. Smythe, collector of the port of 
New York; Frederick P. Stanton of Virginia, representative from Tennessee 
1 845-1855. 

"William M. Stewart, senator 1865-1875, 1887-1905. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore 126 

be compelled to vote for it, unless the President should give him some 
excuse for a contrary course ; that a million of dollars would not save 
the President as the case at present stood. Mr. L. declared that Pomeroy 
had said to him, " We are not satisfied with Stanton; we are not satisfied 
with our position in respect to him. We would be glad to have an 
excuse to get rid of him in some way, and there must be a general 
change in the Cabinet before that can be done. The country is not sat- 
isfied with Stanton's position, and the President is entitled to have his 
friends in the Cabinet." The Senator also told Mr. Latham that Secre- 
tary McCulloch had himself defeated the President's nominees — Col. 
Cooper for Asst. Secretary of the Treasury, and Genl. Wisewell 72 as 
Commr. of Internal Revenue. 

Mr. Latham, in conclusion, desired me to remina the President that 
Banks, Walker, and Stanton were old Democrats, " just like the Presi- 
dent," and that they were no more " rabid " than the President to-day. 

When I mentioned the above conversation to the President " for what 
it was worth," he exhibited considerable indignation, remarking " I will 
have to insult some of these men yet." 

During a visit to the Capitol to-day, Senator Reverdy Johnson 73 ex- 
pressed anxiety that " the President should do something to help himself," 
and appeared to entertain the opinion that a change should be made in 
the State and Treasury Depts. 

March 18, 1868. 

Senator Pomeroy called this morning before ten o'clock, and had a 
long interview with the President. In referring to the Senator's visit, 
immediately after he had left the Executive Mansion, the President said 
that the conversation was of a general character; that the Senator said 
he had called to see if the President had any suggestions to make ; that 
in reply he (the President) had observed that he had nothing particular 
to suggest, but would be really pleased to receive the views of Mr. 
Pomeroy. The Senator (the President said) talked very kindly, and 
made no recommendation in reference to the Cabinet. He, however, 
referred to Mr. Seward, remarking that at one time the Secretary was 
particularly obnoxious to the majority in Congress, but really seemed 
now to be less so ; and that as to Mr. McCulloch, some of Mr. Chase's 
friends thought that the Secretary was opposed to the Chief Justice, but 
that the latter deemed Mr. McCulloch his friend. The President re- 
plied that in consequence of Mr. McCulloch's timidity, some of his acts 
had been misconstrued; that he believed the Secretary to be a friend of 
Mr. Chase; that even his (the President's) motives had been misunder- 
stood ; that as he had often declared, the measure of his ambition would 
be filled if he could perfect the work of reconciliation he had begun; 
that he was not seeking the Presidency; and that as between Mr. Chase 
and himself, the only differences that had occurred were mostly those 
which originated from questions of expediency. 

I asked the President if he had sent for Senator Pomeroy. He 
replied that several persons had urged him to do so, but he had not com- 
plied with their suggestions; and that I might therefore infer that the 
Senator had called of his own accord; that Mr. Pomeroy had spoken in 
a very friendly manner, and on retiring had said that he would be 
pleased to receive from the President any suggestions that might tend 
toward producing a good effect in the present condition of affairs. 

72 Moses N. Wisewell of New Jersey, brevet brigadier-general of volunteers. 

73 Senator from Maryland 1845-1849, 1863-1868. 



127 Documents 

The President and his counsel are again together this morning, the 
answer being still under consideration. 

The President attended the funeral of Wm. Slade, his Steward, this 
afternoon, at two o'clock, but the lawyers remained in consultation 
until 4:30 P. M. 

Referring to the Pbiladelphia Convention 74 to-day, the President 
remarked that had it received the support of the Democracy, the new 
party would have been a success, and that he could perceive all along 
the object of certain party leaders, which was to use him as they would 
an orange. 

March 19, 1S68. 

The President's counsel again in session. Mr. Groesbeck present 
to-day, as on yesterday. 

March 20, 1868. 

The President is not satisfied with the answer to the Xlth article 75 
prepared by Mr. Evarts. He therefore contemplates bringing before 
his counsel today his various messages, to show that they contain as 
strong charges against Congress officially as are made in any of the 
speeches he has delivered as a private citizen. He is not willing to take 
back any thing he has said, but expresses himself gratified at the oppor- 
tunity of once again placing before the people the speeches made during 
the western tour. 

Saturday, March 21, 1868. 

The President was engaged with his lawyers today from one o'clock 
until five. Present, Messrs. Stanbery, Curtis, Evarts, Groesbeck and 
Nelson: Judge Black absent. As far as I can understand, he has become 
"miffed" about something that occurred day before yesterday, and has 
not been present since. 7 ' 1 About three the counsel were invited into the 
Library to partake of refreshments. They laughed at the idea that any- 
thing could be made of the President's speeches, and did not seem to 
entertain any doubt of his acquittal. 

Sunday, March 22, 1868. 

The President's counsel met at 1.30 P.M. and had under considera- 
tion the answers to the Xth. and Xlth. articles. 77 Present: Messrs. 
Stanbery, Curtis, Evarts, Groesbeck, and Nelson — Judge Black being 
again absent. The consultation was prolonged until five o'clock. 

The President entertained some idea of appearing before the Senate 
in person tomorrow. He submitted the question to his lawyers, who 
were unanimous in the opinion that he should not attend in person. 

The trouble between the President and Judge Black grew out of the 
Alta Vela case. The President seems to think that the Judge attempted 
to take advantage of the present condition of affairs to press a favor- 
able consideration of that claim. The Judge and his son have recalled 
their acceptance of an invitation to dine with the President on Friday. 

j 
Monday, March 23d, 1868. 
Attended the impeachment trial today, as a witness. 7S 

71 The National Union Convention of August 14. 1866. 

15 The article accusing Johnson of declaring the Thirty-Ninth Congress to be 
no congress, etc. 

76 See post p. 128, and Dewitt, The Impeachment and Trial of Andrezv John- 
son, pp. 373-4' 0. 

7 ' The tenth article related to Johnson's intemperate speeches. 

78 Colonel Moore did not in fact testify until April 3. 



Notes of Colonel W. G. Moore i 2 8 

March 24, 1868. 

Counsel present until 12:25 P.M., when the Cabinet session com- 
menced. 

The President explained to me the cause of Judge Black's with- 
drawal as one of his counsel, remarking, " Because I did not consent to 
send a vessel of war to Alta Vela to oust one set of Americans in favor 
of another, and thereby produce a collision with the Dominican Re- 
public, Judge Black refuses to act as my counsel. He has made a pretty 
record — one which will do him far more injury than it can me." 

The President said that there had been some efforts made to heal the 
breach, and he had been urged by some, who he thought might be in the 
interest of the Judge, to send for that gentleman. This, the President 
declared, he would not do. He would rather be put to death than sub- 
mit to such humiliation. 

Wednesday, March 25, 1868. 

The counsel again in session at the Executive Mansion. 

The veto of the bill to withdraw from the Supreme Court the 
McCardle case submitted to the Senate. 79 

March 26, 1868. 

The President and his counsel have been together all the afternoon. 
He thinks that after all his trouble with Judge Black may prove a 
godsend. 

Friday, March 27, 1868. 

The President discussed the propriety of placing Genl. Hancock in 
command of the Dept. of the East, or of the new Military Divn. of the 
Atlantic. He said the command of the latter had been offered to Sher- 
man, a friend of Genl. Grant, and an officer somewhat in sympathy with 
Congress. Sherman having declined the command, the Presidt. thought 
it would be well now to offer it to Hancock. The difficulty, however, 
was whether the Head Qrs. should be at Philad., Baltimore, or Wash- 
ington. There were good reasons, the President said, why they should 
be at either place — in Philad. because Hancock was a Pennsylvanian 
and was to relieve Genl. Meade, an officer from that State; at Balti- 
more, because that city was nearer Washington, and besides would serve 
somewhat to excite the apprehensions of men who cared not for law, 
and who were always pretending to fear an invasion from Maryland; 
at Washington, because ever since Mr. Stanton's removal the President 
had been kept in ignorance of the military preparations and precautions 
that had been going on, and he ought to have an officer in command here 
who could investigate what had been done, and inform him of all that 
transpired. At any rate (he continued) the order should be issued 
before Monday, the day set for trial, as its effect might be good. 

As to placing Hancock in Meade's place, the President did not seem 
to care what Meade would think. The President said he had it from 
■excellent authority that at the close of the war, when Grant's success 
had caused him to be named for the Presidency, Meade had asked the 
General that, in the event he should be elected to that position, to confer 
upon him a foreign mission. Meade, when on his way to Georgia, had 
not found time to call on him, (the President,) and yet he had been 
informed by the Person to whom he referred that that officer had made it 
convenient to call on General Grant, and again remind him of his wish 
to be appointed to a foreign mission, in the event of the General's eleva- 
tion to the Presidency. 

79 A habeas corpus case involving the constitutionality of the reconstruction 
acts. Dezvitt, p. 403. 



129 Documents 

March 27, 1868. 

Have prepared an order relieving Hancock from the command of the 
Fifth Military District and assigning him to the command of the Mili- 
tary Division of the Atlantic. 

The President said this morning, in referring to the suggestion that 
he should make some efforts to influence the impeachment trial : " I had 
rather he convicted than resort to fraud, corruption, or bribery of any 
kind — Conviction with a clear conscience is far, far preferable to acquit- 
tal, with a knowledge of guilt." 

Speaking of Hancock, the President did not know but that after all 
New York would be the best place for the General's headquarters. 
There was a great focal power there, and besides he thought it would 
be consonant with Hancock's wishes. Pie thought that Hancock deeply 
felt the slight that Grant had attempted to put upon him in New Orleans, 
and had shown his manliness by refusing to exhibit the least cringing. 
"Mentally and physically" (said the President), "they were made in 
different moulds. General Grant, in the opinion of the people, is not a 
fair representative of the nation, mentally, morally, or physically. The 
people should have seen his attitude and looks as he withdrew from the 
Cabinet meeting the day his duplicity was exposed. The Goddess of 
History should have been present, to inscribe the scene upon her tablets. 
It would have shown Gen. Grant in his true colors. Lee will go down 
in history as a greater man than Grant. Grant was a mere figure-head, 
who by fortuitous circumstances won a reputation far above his real 
deserts." 

The President told me that he had heard that Judge Black regretted 
his course in reference to the Alta Vela matter. 

J Saturday, March 28, 1868. 

The President is much pleased with Hancock's letter to Governor 
Pease, of Texas, published in the Intelligencer of this morning. 80 Begin- 
ning with the Sentence, " When a boy, I remember to have read a speech 
of Lord Chatham delivered in Parliament," the President read the letter 
through and commented upon it, saying that it showed that General 
Hancock was governed by principles with which he had been imbued in 
youth, which he had not lost sight of, and which he could now bring into 
play. The letter was a platform upon which he (the President) would 
be willing to go before the country, and was upon the same line as the 
General's order upon assuming command of the 5th Military District. 
In his (the President's) opinion, it indicated more with respect to the 
principles of our Government than was ever in Genl. Grant's mind. 

Informed the President, upon my return from the Capitol, of a 
rumor that in the High Court of Impeachment the Chief Justice would 
insist upon it, as a right, to decide questions of law. The President 
replied that he had been informed that the Justices of the Supreme 
Court had held a consultation upon the subject, and had concluded that 

s0 This letter, dated March 9, 1868, and printed in the National Intelligencer 
of March 28, can be found reprinted in F. E. Goodrich's Life of Hancock, 
pp. 287—299, and in The Civil Record of Hancock during his Administration in 
Louisiana and Texas, pp. 6-14. The civil governor of Texas had urged Hancock 
to order a military commission for judicial purposes, but Hancock maintained that 
conditions in Texas were not sufficiently different from those in other states to 
warrant such a course, and asserted with vigor the propriety of coming back as 
soon as possible to the ordinary processes of civil justice. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XIX. — 9. 



Notes of Colonel IF. G. Moore 1 30 

the Chief Justice would have the right to determine all such questions. 
In this connection the President exhibited to me an anonymous note, 
written upon delicate, scented paper, in a masculine hand, to the follow- 
ing effect : " Let your counsel move to quash the indictment, the Chief 
Justice determine in its favor, and close the proceedings of the High 
Court. It will cause them to terminate to the confusion of your 
enemies." 

Sunday, March 29, .1868. 
The President went to hear Father Maguire this morning at St. 
Patrick's Church, and returned much pleased with the sermon. In the 
afternoon he refd. to the remarks of the Revd. Father, saying that in his 
sermon the preacher had alluded to the contest between the aristocracy 
and the poor. "Now" (said the President) "I don't know anything 
more depressing than for a man to labor for the people and not be under- 
stood. It is enough to sour his very soul. He may have nothing else 
at heart than the interests of the masses; he may struggle for their ele- 
vation ; he may have nothing selfish in view, neither his own nor his 
relations' aggrandizement ; and yet he may be deserted by the very 
persons in whose behalf he has given all that he has. Look at the 
Gracchi. They were accused of agrarianism; but as I understand it, 
their idea was to divide the lands that had been conquered, and which 
had been taken possession of by the nobility, among the people. They 
fell at the hands of the aristocracy. This American Senate is as corrupt 
as was then the Roman Senate, and you can place no more dependence 
in them when the interests of the people are concerned." 

March 30. 1868. 
The President was again strongly inclined to attend the Senate in 
person today, and was anxious for the appearance of his counsel. They 
presently came, and the President, returning to the Library, told me 
that he had concluded not to go to the Capitol. 

March 31, 1868.— (Tuesday) 
Cabinet meeting was held today, as usual on Tuesdays. One was 
also convened this evening, at eight o'clock, upon the request of the 
counsel. 

After the adjournment of the afternoon session of the Cabinet, the 
President referred to the clause of the Constitution, that " Congress 
may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or 
inability both of the President and Vice President, declaring what 
officer shall then act as President," etc. He thought the Courts had 
already determined that a member of Congress was not an officer of the 
Government, and that in the event of his own removal from the Presi- 
dency it was doubtful whether Mr. Wade would be eligible for the 
succession. 

April 1, 1868. 
An act to exempt certain manufactures from internal taxes and for 
other purposes was submitted last evening for the President's approval. 
He signed it, but directly afterwards caused his approval to be erased, 
and requested me to take the bill to the Secretary of the Treasury and 
ask his opinion respecting its provisions. I did so ; when the Secretary 
advised the approval of the bill, remarking that it was the first step 
towards a reduction of taxes, and that although it was only to benefit 



i 3 i Documents 

a class, and would reduce the revenue, it was estimated, about sixty 
millions, it contained provisions designed to facilitate the collection of 
the whiskey tax. Altogether, he thought the President would do well 
to sign the bill. Mr. Rollins, Commr. of Internal Revenue, who hap- 
pened to be present, concurred in the Secretary's recommendation. I 
also consulted Honble. Edmund Cooper, who came to the same conclu- 
sion although expressing himself averse to such class legislation. 

Saturday, April 4, 1868. 

The President, this evening, spoke very freely of Genl. Grant, say- 
ing that he seemed to be daily growing guiltier in the public estima- 
tion, and that the time would yet come when he would be held in con- 
tempt by the people. 

The President also -refd. to a double-leaded article in the N. Y. 
Tribune, viz : " We have assurance from Washington that Genl. Grant 
finds it not inconsistent with his duty as a soldier to announce it as his 
opinion that the only hope for the peace of the country is the success 
of the pending impeachment trial. He feels that the national security 
demands the removal of the President. If the trial should fail, the 
people can only expect more assumptions of power, and a more deter- 
mined resistance to law. When the General of our armies entertains 
this conviction, there is no room for doubt as to the duty of the Senate. 
The loyal nation demands the President's removal." 

" What an idea," said the President, " that the opinion of the General 
of the army should serve as a guide for the Senate in a matter of im- 
peachment ! Is it not another indication that the purpose of the Radi- 
cals is a military despotism? What a few years since would have been 
the fate of the General commanding the military forces if he had done 
what the Tribune, with such an air of authority, says Genl. Grant has 
done?" The President was inclined to doubt the accuracy of the 
Tribune's statement, on the ground that the General could hardly have 
been so indiscreet as thus to express himself. 

Monday, April 6, 1868. 

The President divides into three classes those who are now opposing 
him, viz: 1st. Those who desire his removal because he is an obstacle 
to their partisan and unconstitutional designs. 2d. Those who, although 
not widely, if at all differing from him in political opinions, have failed 
in their efforts to control him, and make him a mere instrument in their 
hands. 3d. Those who have a grudge against him for the part he took 
during the war. 

April 7, 1868. 

The President is very indignant at a letter of "Mac", in the Cincin- 
nati Commercial of the 3d, purporting to give a conversation between 
the President and himself. It was (the President said) an outrage 
upon him, and was not a truthful statement of the interview. He 
repeated what he had said to " Mac " respecting Adjt. Genl. Thomas, 
viz. that the General had made a great mistake, when he first called upon 
the Secretary of War with an ad interim appointment, in not at once 
taking possession of the War Dept. ; that being of a chivalric disposi- 
tion, the General had placed too much reliance in what Mr. Stanton had 
said to him; and that he doubtless felt that he could not, without 
violence to his gentlemanly feelings, refuse Mr. Stanton's request for 
time to remove his papers. Genl. Thomas of course felt elated by' his 



Notes of Colonel IV. G. Moore j 7. 2 



,v 



appointment, and had given utterance to remarks which were very 
indiscreet. The President admitted that he had committed an error in 
selecting the General, whom, however, he believed to be an honorable, 
straightforward man. 

April 8, 1868. 
The President declares that the defence he desires to make in the 
impeachment trial is for the people— not merely for the Senate, and 
that he would care nothing for conviction by that body if he stands 
acquitted lr~' She nation. 





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